Page created December 2003

Archaeological excavation of sixth century burials at Cooleeshalmore, Threecastles, Co. Kilkenny
Patrick J H Neary

Introduction
This report covers the archaeological excavation of features identified during archaeological monitoring (Licence number 01 E 1167) of the R693 road realignment at Threecastles Co. Kilkenny. This realignment was carried out as part of the National Development Plan using funds provided by the Irish Government through the Department of the Environment & Local Government with financial assistance from the European Regional Development Fund, by Kilkenny Co. Council under the direction of the senior engineer Oliver Mannion employing the services of MCOS as consulting engineers with the contract undertaken by Regan Civil Engineering. The length of the development was close to 2 km. and traversed the townlands of Cooleeshalmore, Purcells Garden, Threecastles and Threecastles Demesne from west to east. The features comprised of the base funnel of a small underground lime kiln still filled with quicklime, and a group of at least four human inhumation burials aligned roughly E-W in the tradition adopted in the second century AD.

Background
The site was first noted during monitoring of earthworks taking place in advance of drainage excavations. Prior to this the top soil had been stripped by bulldozers and diggers, and then taken away by dump trucks. No archaeological features or remains were noted during the soil stripping. The work which uncovered the lime kiln took place after darkness had fallen on the evening of 26 November 2001, and it was not until the following morning that the feature was actually noted. A spread of fire reddened earth, large stones, quicklime and flecks of burnt coal were evident. Lying on the surface was a human mandible with seven teeth attached. The identified area was cordoned off and work on the drainage ceased at the location. A licence to excavate was sought, and work on the excavation took place during December 2001 and January 2002.

Although there were no surface indications of a feature prior to the commencement of work on site, and the precise location had been photographed in February 1998, the possibility and potential for the existence of archaeological sites in the area was recognized in the 1998 study as being "an area which might be expected to produce some archaeological sites and features". It was not until the excavation of the lime kiln was in progress that the burial site containing at least four burials, was identified 25-30 m away.

Historical Background
According to Carrigan's (1905) research summarised in the Freshford Heritage and Development Group's (1993) publication, Magh Airgid Ros (The plain of the Silver Wood) was the ancient territory in North Central Ossory on both banks of the Nore. It stretched from Threecastles to near Durrow, Co. Laois. Carrigan goes on to list (p.10 vol 1) the entries in the native annals relative to this territory one of which states "A.M. 3656 (2537 BC) This was the seventeenth year above three score of Tighernmas, as king over Ireland. It was by him the following battles were gained over the race of Emhear, and others of the Irish and foreigners beside. These were the battles the two battles of Cuil in Argat-Ross and two other battles at Argat Ross". Mac Carthaigh (1972) writes of a battle in 1169 between Dermot Mc Murrough with the support of his Norman allies against Domhnall Mac Giolla Padraig of Ossory and locates it around Clashacrow. He states (p.38):- "The advance units of the two armies contacted one another on the banks of the Nuenna where it flows into the Nore. A running fight took place for about half a mile all along the Nuenna and through Cuil Iseal.". The name of the parish of Odagh is derived from the O Duach tribe who previously ruled the territory and were the descendants of Ruman Duach who, it is alleged, is buried under a tumulus in Threecastles Demesne.(JRSAI XXI 1891 p.115)

O Hogan (1991) summarises the pseudo-historical context of the region in his entry on Eireamhoin where he relates that he (Eireamhoin) was the son of the fictional Mil, and imagined leader of the Gaelic people in their settlement of Ireland. The name (earlier, Eremon) was invented by the pseudo-historians on the basis of Eriu (later, Eire), the name of the country. After the Tuatha De Danann delayed them by tricks and magic, Eireamhoin led his people into Ireland through the Boyne estuary .After defeating the Tuatha De Danann at Tailtiu (Teltown Co. Meath), he and his brother Eibhear divided the kingdom of Ireland between them, he reigning in the northern half and Eibhear in the south. Within a year the brothers had a dispute concerning border territories and in a battle between them at Bri Damh (near Gashill Co. Offaly) Eibhear was defeated and killed. Eiremhoin was then unchallenged king of Ireland and he dug two royal forts -Rath Oind in Cuala (Rathdown in Grevstones Co. Wicklow) and Rath Bheathaigh (Rathbeagh on the west bank of the Nore, 2.4 miles north of the site).

Site Location
The national grid reference for the site is S 445 633.

Both features were in a field named 'Hottways' according to local lore, in the townland of Cooleeshalmore in the parish of Odagh. Two fields away in the townland of Cooleeshalbeg is a recorded archaeological site (SMR 13:28) listed as a church (site of). Cooleeshal is taken from the Irish Cuil fseal meaning a low lying corner, and is an area of land lying in the angle formed by the Rivers Nore and Nuenna on the north and east sides of the townland. (O'Kelly, O. 1969 p.18). The site is located at the western end of a ridge or low prominence overlooking the floodplain of the river Nore. It could be described as a hilltop site, although the area is gently undulating rather than hilly.

Nearby is the townland boundary and a mass path used to run along this boundary in the next field with a stone stile built into the wall opposite an isolated cottage dwelling. The mass path ran from the old road that is at a much lower level close to the river. It eventually led over the fields to Tulla Church. The field in which the features were found had been used in the past for a variety of crops. However in the past few years, there was only a grass pasture. The original road alignment skirted the field on the south and was built prior to Taylor and Skinner' publication of 1778. According to local knowledge it was built to replace the lower road that ran along the river, and which is susceptible to flooding. This may not be entirely accurate however as the lower road does not go to Freshford but follows along the bank of the Nore to Rathbeagh and beyond. The ridge or prominence on which the site is located is aligned roughly NW-SE with the ground sloping gently away to the NE, NW and SW.

There was no noticeable indication that there were archaeological features present at the location, such as an enclosing ditch, around the burials, or the stones which had been used in the upper parts of the limekiln structure originally. There was no cartographic indication on the OS maps which would suggest that there were no noticeable traces of either site during the course of the first ordnance survey in 1839.

Methodology
After the lime kiln site had been identified and secured it was cleaned back by hand to determine its extent within the road-take area. The feature extended beyond the CPO (compulsory purchase order) line into Keoghan's land and this line was not crossed as, in theory at least, the area outside the CPO line would not be affected by the road development.

Once the extent of the feature had been established it was drawn in plan and photographed. The section was cleaned back and drawn along the CPO line and when this was complete the fill of the lime kiln was carefully excavated by hand and work in progress was photographed. When the fill had been removed the extension to the section drawing was completed and the feature itself was drawn in plan and section and photographed again. Following this the feature was backfilled with sand and marked with tape and fenceposts to prevent any further accidental damage being caused.

The skeletons were excavated in the traditional manner. All were fully exposed, sponged clean, photographed and drawn. Levels were then taken at a variety of spots.

Because the location had been disturbed by machinery the spoil from this disturbance was washed in order to establish whether there was any further skeletal material contained within it. A washing area was set up and the disturbed material was washed through meshes of l0mrn, 5mm, and 2mm. The same technique was used to wash the soil fill from the graves in order to search for any possible shroud pins or other small artefacts which may have been present in the fill and gone unnoticed.

Finds
There were no finds from the lime kiln or the burial sites discovered either through the spoil-washing or the excavation itself other than a few isolated fragments of animal bones, one fragment of an iron nail, and a piece of post-medieval brown-glazed red earthenware. These were all found while trowelling back at the limekiln site and were of no significance as they came from a clearly disturbed context and are the type of finds that are made in any ploughed field on which a farmyard dungheap containing the ashes of the domestic fire has been spread.

The Lime Kiln

FIG 2

The heavy machinery caused some damage to the upper levels of the lime kiln. It is also probable that at least one course of stones were removed by the digger. Evidence of this was visible in the spoil that had been piled up beside the route.

FIG 3

The section drawing AB (Fig. 3) shows a large stone at the highest level of the feature. This represents the upper limit of the structure that remained but it may be argued that the upper part of the original structure was removed at some time in the past (see below). No mortar was used in its construction and the stones were of varying dimensions with small filling stones also being used. The stones were bonded with a red sandy ash, obviously the result of the immense heat generated and was probably a clay bond originally. The structure remains virtually intact following excavation. The quicklime at the base had turned into a very hard compact compound and had to be chiselled out using a hammer.

The kiln was funnel shaped with a flue at the base. It was constructed of locally available material, most probably that which is described by Dorcas Birthistle in her 1994 paper in the Old Kilkenny Review as being "siderocalcite". This cannot be burnt into lime and is more commonly called 'free-stone' by masons. The feature extended beyond the CPO line into the field and was left untouched beyond that line.

The measurements for the feature were a diameter at the top of 1.5 m and tapered into .25m at the base, with a total depth of 1.4m. The kiln was full of material when it was covered over or decommissioned. (Photo left) Along with the quicklime there was some unburnt stone, and incompletely burnt coal. It was possible in the quicklime to distinguish the outlines of some of the original stones that had been burnt. The size of stone used was generally about 10cm in diameter. (Photo right)

A contemporary description of lime kilns is reproduced in McAfee's book Stone Buildings, page 139. Gerald Boate, the author, describes how in 1650 both lime and lime kilns were made:
    "Lime in Ireland is made from stone ... unlike Holland who uses shells. Preferably old stone from buildings and not fresh from the quarry. The manner of burning it into lime ... usually all over Ireland ... is this; in the side of some of the little height they make a great pit ... round or square accordingly as conveniently is offered; of that bigness as may hold 40 to 50 barrells ... and of that fashion that being many feet wide at the top ... it doth by degrees grow narrower towards the bottom as the same manner as the furnaces of the iron works. The inside of this pit they line round about with a wall built of lime and stone ... at whose outside near the bottom a hole or door is left ... by which to take out the ashes ... and above an iron-gate is laid ... which cometh close to the wall round about: upon this they lay a lay of limestone. (Being first knocked asunder with a great iron hammer ... and broke into pieces of the bigness of a fist or thereabouts) and upon that a lay of wood or turf; or a certain sort of sea coal ... the which being wonderfully small ... and peculiar called comb is hardly used for any other purpose. Upon that they lay another of limestone ... and so by turns ... until the whole kiln is filled ... ever observing that the outmost lay of wood ... turf or comb ... and not of limestone: which being done ... the kiln is set afire until all is burnt." (from Irelands Naturall History by Gerald Boate, published posthumously by Samuel Hartlib London 1652).

The Burials
These were first recognized when the lime kiln was being excavated and some small fragments of bone were noted in the batter at the side of the road. The original soil stripping was followed by the excavation of approximately 1m of material and it is possible that there were others that were not recognized during the activity associated with the soil stripping, excavation of material and its removal.

It is also possible that the mandible that was found close to the lime kiln, could have been pushed there by the bulldozer from the burials which were approximately 20m-25m away. The burials were very shallow at a depth of only 50cm beneath the existing ground surface in a subsoil that was mostly stone and gravel.(Photo right)

Two of the burials were located completely within the road take area, while the other two extended beyond the CPO line into the field. One of the skeletons (skeleton 3) was only extending from the femurs up into the road take area. It was excavated out leaving the feet and the lower leg in situ.

No.4 was recorded but not lifted out because only the skull and some bones of the upper torso were within the road take area. As there was no further work envisaged which would have impacted on this individual it was left intact. The four burials were all aligned roughly E-W in the Christian tradition, but the nearest church recorded in the vicinity is located at a distance of approximately 800m from the burials. It was described by O'Curry in the OS letters of 1839 as follows
    "The ruins of an old church stand in the town land of Cuilisiol; the east gable remains to the full height, the south wall and west gable remain to the height of 8 feet, but the north wall is level with the ground. The door must have been in the north wall since it does not appear anywhere else. There is a broken window in the south wall: there is a pointed window in the east gable, 4 ft. from the ground, 4 ft. high and 2½ ft. wide on the inside, 6ft. from the ground, 3 ft. 3½ in. high, 5 in. wide at top, and 5½ in at bottom, on the outside. They call it the Church of Cuilisiol, and there is no burying ground attached."

Carrigan (Vol II, p.269) comments that this must have been a chapel-of-ease belonging to the parish church of Odagh but the ruins had been cleared away by the time he wrote in 1905.

Skeleton #1
This individual was oriented WSW- ENE and the light creamy-brown bones were in very poor condition. The head and upper body were missing and the mandible found by the lime kiln could possibly have come from this missing skull. The extended skeleton of a sub-adult aged 16-18 was in a simple unprotected dug grave with a fairly high concentration of stones lining the pit on the north side especially. The left hand was placed by the side, and the right arm and hand were disturbed by the machinery. The right foot was underneath the left and it was not possible to determine sex or stature with certainty. It looked small and female in the ground, similar in size to #2.

The stones lining the burial do not appear to have been deliberately placed but rather to be a naturally occurring feature of the gravelly glacial deposits.

Skeleton #2
Located 1.5m south of skeleton #1 this was in an even worse state of preservation than #1. Again the upper body and skull were missing and the mandible by the lime kiln could possibly have come from this adult individual. As with #1 this was lying in an extended position in a simple unprotected dug grave. The alignment was slightly different however, being laid in a W by N -E by S orientation.

The left hand was placed above the inner pelvis and the right hand was missing. The feet were turned towards the north and there were fewer stones than around #1

The sex of this individual could not be positively determined in the skeletal analysis but its height could be determined as being 5' 3" approximately and there was evidence of osteoarthritis and osteophytosis which can be interpreted as indicating an occupation that involves repetitive activity such as grinding grain or textile making, activities normally associated with women rather than men.

Skeleton #3
The extended skeleton of a woman aged 20-24 in a simple unprotected dug grave oriented ENE -WSW .The head was resting sideways towards the north and both hands were resting centrally on the pelvic area. The skeleton extended into the adjoining property from the femurs down and the lower legs were left in situ.

She was a small woman, only 4' 8" tall according to the method devised in 1990 for estimating stature, but if the 1970 technique were applied the height could have been 5' 2". She was not a healthy person, aged 20-24, had an iron and dietary deficiency, and suffered from a 'development insult' during early childhood. She also suffered from anaemia and the dietary and developmental stress was a recurring feature of her life. She may have suffered a penetrating injury to her face which would have diminished her physical appearance, and she was probably suffering from an infection at the time of death.

Skeleton #4
Only the head and upper chest area of this individual fell within the road take area and as it was not envisaged that there would be any activity which would impact on these remains they were left in situ. This was a skeleton showing female characteristics and aged over 20 years.

As with the other remains these were fragile and brittle and the skull had collapsed into the eye and nasal sockets due to the weight of a large stone or small boulder that had been in the backfilled material above the skull. A fingerbone was found in the soil around the chin area, and the burial was located 1m. east of burial #1 also apparently in line with it.

From the layout of the burials and the regular spacing between them (Fig. 2) it would not be unreasonable to suggest that the graves were dug at the same time or else within a short time of each other.

One very small fragment of burnt bone, possibly human, was classified as a stray find from the general area and as such no special significance can be attributed to it.

The distinct possibility that other graves exist at the same location is indicated by depressions left in the ground by the tyres of small dumpers that were driving along the route between the temporary fence line and the CPO line noted during an inspection carried out in May 2002. Moisture gathered in these slight depressions which was then highlighted when the ground dried out leaving two damp patches possibly indicating further burials 6m to 8m north of burial #1.

The Limekiln
Boate's description written in the mid-seventeenth century shows that this example of a lime kiln could very easily date from that period or later. Whereas the size of the kiln is smaller than that described either by Boate, or Tighe writing at the start of the nineteenth century, it is possible that there was a part of the structure removed from the top. It is also possible that it was simply a smaller-scale version of the 'normal' sized kiln. The use of coal as a fuel is not surprising and the history of coalmining in the Castlecomer area records that serious mining of anthracite at that coalfield commenced around 1640 (Firoda NS 2001 p.5) but that prior to that some coal was being extracted on a small scale (Ibid. p.7).

Tighe (1802 p.43) quoting Boate says:
    "Already one coal mine has been found in Ireland, a few years since-, by mere hazard, and without having been sought for;  in an iron mine belonging to Mr. Christopher Wandesforde-, after having raised the ore from it for a great while-, they came at last to coal, so as ever since all the people dweling in those parts have used it for their firing, finding it very cheap; for the load of an Irish car drawn by one garron-, did stand them-, besides the charges of bringing it in-, nine pence only, three pence to the digger, and six pence to the owner."
On the quality and quantity of this coal he comments that:
    "there are coals enough in this mine to furnish a whole country, nevertheless there is no use made of them farther than among the neighbouring inhabitants-, because the mines being situated far from rivers, the transportation is too chargeable by land: these coals are very heavy-, and burn with little flame-, but lye like charcoal and continue so for the space of seven or eight hours, casting a very great and violent heat."

Arthur Young described (Conry, M. 2001 p.27) how culm was used to burn lime in Co. Kilkenny during his tour of Ireland in 1776-79 and Tighe (1801 p.487) states that:
    "near and about Freshford they burn the Castlecomer coal bought at the colliery at 9d per cwt. besides the expense of bringing it home; and some get the Slievedaragh coal, at 13d per cwt. with the same trouble-, but a shorter draught, being about six miles; the former eight to twelve."

Tighe also describes the agricultural use of lime in detail (pp.438-440) and the construction costs and designs of the various types of lime kilns as well as their expected period of usefulness before they would need repair or replacement. He asserts (p.440) that:
    "The proper form of kiln is not the oval shape of the bottle-kilns usually made but that of a cylinder upon a small pointed cone. Mr. R St. George built two kilns of the same diameter and fifteen feet deep; the one was oval the other was cylindrical for ten feet and sloped for five feet to a point; the former turned out twenty-one barrels in twenty-four hours and the latter twenty-five in the same time with nearly the same quantity of fuel: and the burners find it easier to burn the stone in it and easier to draw the kiln: in an oval kiln the lime adheres to the sides."

He states on the following page (p.441) that "A barrell of culm burns five or six barrels of lime according to the quality of the stone." He then claims (p.443) that the practice of burning lime only came into common use around 1730. This assertion would not appear to concur with Boate's observations made in the 1640s but it might indicate that the practice became much more widespread at that time. Perhaps prior to that lime kilns and the use of lime as a fertiliser was remarkable because of the rarity of the practice in the county. Evans writing in 1957 states (p.123) that the home-burning of lime did not long survive the Great Famine and that down to that time, wherever limestone could be obtained, almost every farm or farm cluster had a lime-kiln.

The Burials
The Roman burial at Stoneyford, approximately 14 miles distant from the site, provides evidence for contact with the Roman world where cremation was the established funerary custom practiced until the reign of Hadrian (117 -138 AD). Discovered c.1852 in a pit protected by stones, the cremation was contained in a glass urn accompanied by a glass cosmetic holder (lachrymatory) and a bronze disc mirror, all datable to the first/second century AD and is considered typical of a Roman middle-class burial from that period. (Bourke 1989 p.56).

The rite of inhumation, initially crouched or flexed, appears to have been introduced to Ireland in the first century AD from Britain where it was the native burial tradition immediately before and after the Roman conquest. In the second century AD the Romans adopted the rite of inhumation and as a result of the ritual attached to death, the body remained in an extended position. Positive dating evidence for the rite of extended inhumations is provided by a group of unprotected extended inhumations (heads west) discovered on Bray seafront in Co. Wicklow in 1835. These burials were laid side by side in unprotected dug graves with a stone at head and foot and coins of Hadrian and Trajan (97-117 AD) were accompanying the individuals presumably to pay the ferryman for the dead to cross on the Stygian ferry. The lack of grave goods with extended inhumations in Ireland would tend to suggest that the majority date from the fourth and subsequent centuries (O'Brien 1990).

Nancy Edwards in her 1990 publication (pp.129-130) draws our attention to the slow and gradual change or conversion from traditional pagan practices to Christianity and states that it is not until the seventh century that the church began to be fully assimilated into early Irish society. She also says that the documentary evidence shows that by this time burial in formal Christian cemeteries was not yet the norm, and in many instances pagan burial practices were still known and tolerated to a certain extent. There is no known difference between pagan and Christian burials from this period and most burials are not accompanied by grave goods.

Women sometimes worshipped in a separate church to the men, and may also have been buried separately. Evidence for this comes from a site at Carrickmore Co. Tyrone, published in the Ulster Journal of Archaeology No.46 in 1983, by Hamlin and Foley. The question that presents itself for consideration is whether these are Christian or pagan burials and from when do they date?

According to the evidence and the archaeological record they could belong to either tradition if the orientation and the lack of grave goods are to be the definitive elements of interpretation, but there are other elements which merit attention and consideration. These are the location of the site in the landscape and the strong possibility or probability that all four individuals were females. The location in the landscape does not suggest a well established Christian practice or tradition but as the pagan burial practices were tolerated in early-Christian Ireland the pagan nature of the location need not necessarily mean that the burials were non-Christian in character. On the other hand, the fact that all the burials seem to have been female could be taken as indicating that this was an early-Christian segregated cemetery.

Edwards (1990 p129) quoting O'Brien and Barry Raftery states: "Conversion to Christianity did not necessarily mean subsequent interment in a Christian cemetery according to specifically Christian burial customs; pagan and Christian might be buried side by side in a tribal cemetery’’. However she also points out that during the seventh century the increasing power and influence of the church and the rising popularity of the cult of relics provided the impetus for burial in cemeteries attached to the major monasteries and other ecclesiastical sites.

The radiocarbon determination from Skeleton 1 was 1455 ± 35 (GU-10474). When this determination was calibrated to 95.4% probability the remains were dated from the period between 540AD and 660AD. It would therefore be acceptable to surmise that these burials are from the late-sixth/early-seventh centuries AD and conform with the knowledge already gained about the burial practices dating from this period. It would not be possible to state definitively whether the individuals were Christian or not and as the old customs, traditions and practices from the pre-Christian times tend to persist, it would be futile to try and label them as belonging to one or the other classification as they date from a period of transition and were located in a place which would not necessarily indicate any pioneering deviation from the normal customs.

The Lime Kiln
The lime kiln was a fairly common element of agricultural practice in pre-famine Ireland and was known and commented on as far back as 1640. The use of coal places a terminus ante quem of 1640 on this particular example and thus leaves a maximum possible period of usage stretching from 1640 to 1839 as there is no sign of it on the first edition OS map.

To narrow it down further informed speculation would place it in the period from 1730 to 1830 and it may be classified as an unusual example of industrial/agricultural archaeology insofar as most of the surviving lime kilns are constructed above ground with ramps built to allow access to the top, rather than dug into hilltops as described by Boate.

The Burials
The research suggests that these date from the period between the introduction of inhumation which began to replace cremation in the second century AD and the seventh century when the practice of burying the dead in cemeteries attached to ecclesiastical or monastic centres became more widespread with the increasing power and influence of the church and the rising popularity of the cult of relics which made it desirable to be buried as close as possible to the relics of a recognised saint.

The lack of grave goods and the absence of any enclosing ditch which was a well established burial custom in pre-Christian Ireland that survived into Christian times suggests a sixth century date to the excavator and the radiocarbon determination supports fully this initial conclusion reached on archaeological deduction.

The evidence of malnutrition during childhood noted in the skeletal analysis could fit in with a scenario where an orphaned or unwanted child was abandoned into the care of a monastery and it would not be unlikely that female orphans were taken into care in a segregated setting. Such speculation cannot be confirmed by the evidence from the site and must be recognised as just one of many possible scenarios.

The possibility of gaining further knowledge from this site relating to the burial practices of this Early Medieval Period between the time of St. Patrick and the coming of the Vikings, remains an option for future research excavation and study. The site has been marked with a large stone in the hope that this will afford a degree of protection to the remains of the fourth skeleton which is known to rest there along with any more that have not been disturbed by the road-building.

Acknowledgements
The support and co-operation of the senior engineer with Kilkenny County Council, Oliver Mannion, along with that of the project manager for MCOS, Finola O'Riordan, and the resident engineer Graham Hill and his staff J. Daly and P. Kelly ensured that the archaeological considerations were dealt with speedily and efficiently in a professional manner and is gratefully acknowledged. The excavation team of Phelim Manning, Liam O'Rourke, Jimmy Lenihan and Patrick Reid ensured that the work got done in somewhat less than favourable weather conditions in mid-winter and John Channing acted as consultant archaeologist.

The staff of the Kilkenny County library on Johns Quay were always forthcoming in allowing access to the materials in their care and acquiring reading materials when requested. The licencing section of Duchas did all that could be done to speed up the process of issuing the necessary licences and in particular Christiaan Corlett's help is acknowledged.

The co-operation of the workforce of Regans Civil Engineering was essential in facilitating progress and completion of the excavation and is gratefully acknowledged.

Bibliography
Birthistle, Dorcas, 1994 'Lime and Limekilns' in Old Kilkenny Review pp. 75-77.

Bourke, E., 1989 'Stoneyford: A first-century Roman burial from Ireland' in Archaeology Ireland Vol.3 Number 2 Summer.

Carrigan, W., 1905 The history and antiquities of the Diocese of Ossory Dublin 4 vols.

Conry, Michael J., 2001 Dancing the Culm burning culm as a domestic and industrial fuel in Ireland Carlow.

Conry, Michael J., 1999 Cu1m Crushers Edge-Runner Grinding Stones for Tempering Culm Carlow.

Edwards, N., 1990 The Archaeology of Early Medieval Ireland Batsford London.

Evans, E. Estyn, 1957 Irish Folkways London.

Firoda National School Castlecomer, 2001Coalmining in Castlecomer Kilkenny.

Freshford Heritage and Development Group, 1993 Historical Social and Pictorial Sketches of Freshford Kilkenny.

Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland Proceedings;- Thursday's Excursion, May 22nd 1890. Vol. XXI 1891.

Lewis, S., 1837 A Topographical Dictionary of Ireland 2 Vols. Reprinted Baltimore Maryland.

McAfee, P., 1998 Stone Buildings: conservation repair building Dublin.

MacCarthaigh, P., 1972 'Ireland versus England the first battle -Clais an Chro'’ Old Kilkenny Review pp.37- 41.

National Library of Ireland Historic Documents, Ireland from Maps 1980 Dublin.

O'Brien, E., 1990 'Iron Age Burial Practices in Leinster: Continuity and Change' in EMANIA Bulletin of the Navan Research Group, Number 7 Belfast.

O’Curry, E. 1930 Letters containing information relative to the Antiquities of the County of Kilkenny collected during the progress of the Ordnance Survey in 1839, Vol. 1. Reproduced under the direction of Rev. Michael O Flanagan, Bray.

O' Hogan, D., 1991 Myth Legend and Romance, New York.

O'Kelly, O., 1969 The place names of County Kilkenny Kilkenny.

Taylor, G. & Skinner, A., 1783 Maps of the Roads of Ireland (2nd edition). IUP Shannon Ireland Photolithographic reprint 1969.

Tighe, William., 1802 Statistical observations relative to the County of Kilkenny made in the years 1800 and 1801 2 Vols. Facsimile reprint Kilkenny 1998.

Skeletal Report
The group of individuals retrieved from the site at Cooleeshalmore represented one 'young adult' female who was likely to have been aged between 20 and 25 years, one unsexed adult of indeterminate age and one unsexed sub-adult aged between 16 and 18 years. Stature was estimated for both adults. The standing height of Skeleton 3 was calculated to be 149cm while that of Skeleton 2 was 162cm, if female or 166cm, if male.

Just two skeletal non-metric traits were found in this group of individual and both were found in the remains of Skeleton 3. Similarly, the 9 dental traits that were found issued from Skeleton 3. The dearth of non-metric trait expression was seen to be more a result of the high degree of fragmentation exhibited by this assemblage than any true absence of expression. The majority of traits were scored "unobservable".

Pathology

Skeleton 3
The lesion which Skeleton3 exhibits in the right maxilla is one of bone destruction and formation. Destruction is apparent in the modification of the normal morphology of the maxilla and the remodelling of bone around the nasal aperture signals the process of formation. The nature of the lesion, which presents as a pocket or pseudo-sinus would seem to suggest that an infection had been present. It is impossible to say what stage the infection had reached at the time of death due to the post-mortem damage that the bone sustained. No cloaca was apparent in that which survived but it is possible that evidence of such was lost when the bone was damaged or that the process had not reached this point before death.

Due to this loss of bone, it is difficult to identify aetiology. Lesions found at this site are commonly abscesses. Dental abscesses are caused by periodontal disease or by dental caries or severe attrition where exposure of the pulp cavity allows the introduction of bacteria. However, there were no accompanying signs of periodontal disease and the surrounding teeth exhibited no signs of carious cavities through which exogenous bacteria could enter the system. An alternative possibility is that the soft tissue of this area sustained some form of trauma and infection followed. A penetrating injury may allow for the introduction of bacteria into the area.

This individual also exhibits porous bone formation on the floor of the left maxilla. This type of bone formation points to the presence of a chronic inflammatory condition. Lesions such as these are commonly seen in the sinuses and what is exhibited here may be a variant of this. Roberts and Manchester (1994) state that common causes for this type of irregular pitting are allergies, smoke, environmental pollution, upper respiratory tract infections and dust.

It is worthy of note that, although pitting of the nasal floor is known to be a sign of leprosy, it appeared that, this was not the case here. None of the other changes, apparent in the onset of leprosy, such as the recession at prosthion or the nasal aperture were apparent.

Dental Enamel Hypoplasia
DEH presents as a visible defect on the surface of the tooth crown. It is scored by its expression: as pits lines or grooves (Lukacs, 1989). Hypoplasias occur during youth when the tooth is still forming. When the individual experiences a period of developmental stress, the body lays down less of the protein matrix of which the tooth is composed, causing a narrowing of the tooth crown. When normal growth recommences, a depression can be seen where enamel deposits were lessened. Once formed teeth, unlike bone, do not remodel and therefore the defect is preserved permanently.

The precise cause of enamel hypoplasia is unknown. It is generally agreed that this signature of developmental stress can arise from a period of nutritional deficiency or a childhood illness. The type of illness cannot, unfortunately, be identified. However, one can state that if it was illness that caused the defects that Skeleton 3 exhibits it is likely to have been one such as measles, pneumonia, diarrhoea or gut parasites or, indeed, any condition which causes fever. Both recurring and isolated periods of dietary insufficiencies can also be the cause (Dobney & Goodman, 1991).

It would appear, whether caused by diet or illness, that this individual experienced a recurrence of developmental stress as the left central and lateral mandibular incisors exhibited two separate hypoplastic lines.

Teeth are highly canalised and erupt at a regular pace. Attempts have been made, in the past, to pinpoint the age at which the individual experienced developmental insult. However, such attempts have been found to be somewhat inaccurate (Mays,1999). One cannot be certain that the teeth of all individuals, in all populations progressed at the same developmental rate. Genetics, geographical and temporal locations all have bearings on eruption times. It is also the case that the middle section of the tooth crown is more susceptible to defect formation. (Goodman & Armelagos, 1985). It is appropriate to say, however, that the defect occurred between the ages of 1 and 7, where the first 14 teeth of the dental arcade are involved, and as late as 12 years where the third molar is affected (Mays, 1999). In the case of Skeleton 3, both the earlier erupting teeth and the later third molar are affected.

Cribra Orbitalia
Skeleton 3 also exhibited evidence of porotic hyperostosis. In the roofs of the orbits. Cribra Orbitalia is the physical manifestation of iron deficiency (Wright & Chew, 1999). Many of the agents, which are said to cause iron deficiency anaemia, are the same as those suggested to be responsible for dental enamel hypoplasia. Indeed it has been found, as was the case in this individual, that the two exhibit a strong association with one another (Mittler et al. 1992)

One of the main hypotheses for the lack of iron that causes anaemia is an insufficiency in the diet. However, it has also been suggested that disease and injury may play a role in that they inhibit the absorption of iron into the body.

The lesions observed in the remains of this young woman showed no sign of active healing. This would indicate that nutritional deficiency, if indeed it were to blame, was still ongoing at the time of death. Conversely, the possibility exists that if disease or injury had caused the defects, her body had not adapted before she died.

Calculus
This individual exhibited calculus deposits on all teeth. Calculus is formed as a result of the mineralisation of dental plaque. Micro-organisms together with proteins in the saliva combine to create plaque deposits. Failure to remove these deposits through activities such as regular brushing, results in their eventual mineralisation and the subsequent build-up of calculus.

It is possible to say of this individual that she did not always benefit from good health. The DEH which she exhibits suggests that she may have suffered recurring illnesses as a child or that she or her family may not have had access to a sufficient array of foodstuffs to fulfil the requirements of a well balanced diet. Her dental health was, by today’s standards, poor though it must be remembered that the degree of calculus build-up exhibited by Skeleton 3 is not uncommon in pre-industrialised societies.

It is obvious that this individual suffered ill-health, at least in the short term, prior to death. Before the advent of antibiotics, it was possible that a relatively minor infection could result in death if one's immune status was, in some way, compromised. The pathologies which this individual exhibited could, in theory have been responsible for her death though osteology cannot give a definitive affirmation to this assertion.

Skeleton 2
Osteoarthritis
Osteoarthritis is a non-inflammatory condition, affecting the synovial joints. It involves narrowing of the joint spaces to a point where the opposing bones come into contact with one another, damaging the cartilage. In the clinical specimen, the element may develop subchondral cysts with ensuing sclerosis of the bone surface. These elements are visible radiographically only. However, eburnation can follow and this can be identified in the hand specimen. Eburnation causes the joint surface to appear smooth and polished as it was in Skeleton 2.

A proliferative reaction also takes place where 'true' osteophytes are formed (Buikstra & Ubelaker, 1994). These are the results of fibrocartilage at the joint rim transforming into new bone. This too was noted in the case of Skeleton 2 where a significant degree of new bone formation was apparent around the proximal articular facet of the first metacarpal.

The causes of osteoarthritis are many and varied. They involve such factors as increasing age, genetic predisposition, obesity (in the case of load-bearing joints) activities and lifestyle and environmental factors (Roberts & Manchester, 1994). Hand arthritis, as seen in Skeleton 2 has been commonly found in modern populations, with a predominance in post-menopausal women. Its occurrence is thought to be related to occupation and it has been suggested that a similar pattern may be apparent in the archaeological record (Roberts and Manchester, 1994).

Osteophytosis
Osteophytes serve as indicators of both age- and activity-related degeneration (Buikstra & Ubelaker, 1994). These are bony spicules which, in the case of this individual, appeared at the margins of the phalanges. The longitudinal margins of the hand serve as attachment points for the fibrous flexor sheaths, which are tissues that prevent the flexor tendons of the hand from 'bow-stringing' while the fingers are flexed (White, 2000). When soft tissue experiences a certain degree of stress, the surrounding bone will react by forming extra bone to secure the anchoring position for the soft tissues. The exaggerated nature of the flexor sheath ridges in Skeleton 2 would seem to suggest that they were made to function regularly as would be the case in one involved in physical labour for an extended period of time. They are also often associated with degenerative conditions such as osteoarthritis. (Roberts and Manchester, 1994).

Associated Material/ M.N.I.
The minimum number of individuals that were represented by the Cooleeshalmore site (if Skeleton 4 is included) is 4. Each skeleton number represented just one individual. As regards the disarticulated remains, the M.N.I. does not change as those elements that were found could possibly belong to one of the other individuals on site.

Bibliography
Angel, J.L. (1982) A new measure of growth efficiency: Skull base height. American Journal of Physical Anthropology. 58: 297-306

Bass, W.M. (1987) Human Osteology : A Laboratory and Field Manual. 3^rd Ed. Missouri Archaeological society, Columbia, Missouri.

Brothwell, D.R. (1981) Digging up Bones. 3^rd ed. Cornell University Press, Ithaca, New York

Buikstra, J.E & Ubelaker, D.H..(1994) Standards for Data Collection from Human Skeletal Remains. Arkansas Archaeological Survey Research Series No.44. Fayetteville, Arkansas Archaeological Survey.

Byers, S., Akoshima, K. & Curran, B. (1989) Determination of adult stature from metatarsal length. American Journal of Physical Anthropology 79: 275-279.

Dobney K. & Goodman A.H., (1991) Epidemiological studies of dental enamel hypoplasias in Mexico and Bradford: their relevance to archaeological skeletal material. In Bush H. & Zvelebil, M. (eds), Health in past societies. biocultural interpretations of human skeletal remains in archaeological contexts.

Drusini,A., Calliari, I., & Volpe, A (1991) Root dentine transparency: age determination of human teeth computerised densitometric analysis. American Journal of Physical Anthropology 85: 25-30.

Feldesman, M.R. (1990) Femur /Stature Ratio and estimates of stature in mid- and late-Pleistocene fossil hominids. American Journal of Physical Anthropology. 83: 359- 372.

Fully, G. (1956) Une nouvelle methode de determination de le taille. Ann Med Legale. 36: 266-273.

Giles, E. (1970) Discriminant function sexing of the human skeleton. In Stewart, T.D. (ed.) Personal Identification in Mass Disasters. Washington, Smithsonian Institution, pp.99-107.

Goodman, A.H., & Armelagos, G.J. (1985) Factors Affecting the Distribution of Enamel Hypoplasias Within the Human Permanent Dentition. American Journal of Physical Anthropology. 68: 479-493

Iscan, M.Y; Loth, S.R. & Wright, R.K. (1984) Age estimation from the rib by phase analysis: White Males. Journal of Forensic Sciences, 29: 1094-1104

Iscan, M.Y. and Derrick,K, (1984) Determination of sex from the sacroiliac joint: A visual assessment technique. Florida Scientist. 47: 94-98

Krogman, W.M., (1962) The Human Skeleton in Forensic Medicine. Springfield, Illinois: Thomas

Lovejoy, C.O., Meindl, R.S., Pryzbeck, T.R. & Mensforth, R.P. (1985) Chronological metamorphosis of the auricular surface of the ilium: a new method for determination of adult skeletal age at death. American Journal of Physical Anthropology 68: 15-28.

Mays, S, Steele, J. & Ford, M. (1999) Directional asymmetry in the human clavicle. IJO 9(1): 18-28

Miles, A.E.W. (1962) Assessment of the ages of a population of Anglo-Saxons from their dentitions. Proceedings of the Royal Society of Medicine. 55: 881-886

Mittler, D. M., Van Gerven, D.P., Sheridan, S.G., & Beck, R (1992) The epidemiology of enamel hypoplasia, cribra orbitalia and subadult mortality in an ancient Nubian population. 143-150. In Goodman, A.H., & Capasso (eds). Recent contributions to the study of enamel developmental defects. Journal of Palaeopathology Monographic Publications 2.

Roberts, C. & K, Manchester (1994) The Archaeology of Disease. Cornell University Press.

Rogers, T & Saunders, S. (1994) Accuracy of sex determination using morphological traits of the human pelvis. Journal of Forensic Sciences 39: 1047-1056.

Schwartz, J.H. (1995) Skeleton Keys: An Introduction to Human Skeletal Morphology, Development& Analysis. Oxford University Press.

Brooks, S.T., & Suchey, J.M. (1990) Skeletal age determination based on the os pubis: A comparison of the Aksadi-Nemeskeri and Suchey Brooks methods. Human Evolution 5: 227-238.

Steele, D, (1970) Estimation of stature from fragments of long limb bones. In Stewart, T.D. Personal Identification in Mass Disasters. Pp85-97. Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C.

Stewart, T.D. (1979) Essentials of Forensic Anthropology. Springfield, Illinois: Thomas

Sutherland, L.D. & Suchey, J.M. (1991) Use of the ventral arc in pubic sex determination. Journal of Forensic Sciences. 36:501-511

Trotter, M. (1970) Estimation of stature from intact long limb bones. In Stewart, T.D. (ed) Personal Identification in Mass Disasters. Washington, Smithsonian Institute.

Turner, C.G. & Scott, G.R. (1991) Scoring procedures for key morphological traits of the permanent dentition. In Kelley, M.A. & Larsen, C.S. (eds.) Advances in Dental Anthropology. New York, Wiley-Liss, pp. 13-31.

Ubelaker,D.H. (1989) Human skeletal Remains. 2^nd ed. Taraxacum Press, Washington D.C.

White, T & Folkens, P. (2000) Human Osteology. Academic Press, San Francisco.

Wright, L.E. & Chew, F. (1999) Porotic hyperostosis and palaeoepidemiology: A forensic perspective on anaemia among ancient Maya. American Anthropologist. 100(4): 924-939.